Showing posts with label news. Show all posts
Showing posts with label news. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 24, 2007

Little Asia on the Hill [text]

[in case you haven't read it...here goes]


Little Asia on the Hill
by Timathy Egan


WHEN Jonathan Hu was going to high school in suburban Southern California, he rarely heard anyone speaking Chinese. But striding through campus on his way to class at the University of California, Berkeley, Mr. Hu hears Mandarin all the time, in plazas, cafeterias, classrooms, study halls, dorms and fast-food outlets. It is part of the soundtrack at this iconic university, along with Cantonese, English, Spanish and, of course, the perpetual jackhammers from the perpetual construction projects spurred by the perpetual fund drives.

''Here, many people speak Chinese as their primary language,'' says Mr. Hu, a sophomore. ''It's nice. You really feel like you don't stand out.''

Today, he is iPod-free, a rare condition on campus, taking in the early winter sun at the dour concrete plaza of the Free Speech Movement Cafe, named for the protests led by Mario Savio in 1964, when the administration tried to muzzle political activity. ''Free speech marks us off from the stones and stars,'' reads a Savio quote on the cafe wall, ''just below the angels.''

There are now mostly small protests, against the new chain stores invading Telegraph Avenue, just outside the campus entrance, and to save the old oak trees scheduled for removal so the football stadium can be renovated. The biggest buzz on Telegraph one week was the grand opening of a chain restaurant -- the new Chipotle's, which drew a crowd of students eager to get in. The scent of patchouli oil and reefer is long gone; the street is posted as a drug-free zone.

And at least on this morning, there is very little speech of any kind inside the Free Speech Cafe; almost without exception, students are face-planted in their laptops, silently downloading class notes, music, messages. It could be the library but for the line for lattes. On mornings like this, the public university beneath the towering campanile seems like a small, industrious city of uber-students in flops.

I ask Mr. Hu what it's like to be on a campus that is overwhelmingly Asian -- what it's like to be of the demographic moment. This fall and last, the number of Asian freshmen at Berkeley has been at a record high, about 46 percent. The overall undergraduate population is 41 percent Asian. On this golden campus, where a creek runs through a redwood grove, there are residence halls with Asian themes; good dim sum is never more than a five-minute walk away; heaping, spicy bowls of pho are served up in the Bear's Lair cafeteria; and numerous social clubs are linked by common ancestry to countries far across the Pacific.

Mr. Hu shrugs, saying there is a fair amount of ''selective self-racial segregation,'' which is not unusual at a university this size: about 24,000 undergraduates. ''The different ethnic groups don't really interact that much,'' he says. ''There's definitely a sense of sticking with your community.'' But, he quickly adds, ''People of my generation don't look at race as that big of a deal. People here, the freshmen and sophomores, they're pretty much like your average American teenagers.''

Spend a few days at Berkeley, on the classically manicured slope overlooking San Francisco Bay and the distant Pacific, and soon enough the sound of foreign languages becomes less distinct. This is a global campus in a global age. And more than any time in its history, it looks toward the setting sun for its identity.

The revolution at Berkeley is a quiet one, a slow turning of the forces of immigration and demographics. What is troubling to some is that the big public school on the hill certainly does not look like the ethnic face of California, which is 12 percent Asian, more than twice the national average. But it is the new face of the state's vaunted public university system. Asians make up the largest single ethnic group, 37 percent, at its nine undergraduate campuses.

The oft-cited goal of a public university is to be a microcosm -- in this case, of the nation's most populous, most demographically dynamic state -- and to enrich the educational experience with a variety of cultures, economic backgrounds and viewpoints.

But 10 years after California passed Proposition 209, voting to eliminate racial preferences in the public sector, university administrators find such balance harder to attain. At the same time, affirmative action is being challenged on a number of new fronts, in court and at state ballot boxes. And elite colleges have recently come under attack for practicing it -- specifically, for bypassing highly credentialed Asian applicants in favor of students of color with less stellar test scores and grades.

In California, the rise of the Asian campus, of the strict meritocracy, has come at the expense of historically underrepresented blacks and Hispanics. This year, in a class of 4809, there are only 100 black freshmen at the University of California at Los Angeles -- the lowest number in 33 years. At Berkeley, 3.6 percent of freshmen are black, barely half the statewide proportion. (In 1997, just before the full force of Proposition 209 went into effect, the proportion of black freshmen matched the state population, 7 percent.) The percentage of Hispanic freshmen at Berkeley (11 percent) is not even a third of the state proportion (35 percent). White freshmen (29 percent) are also below the state average (44 percent).

This is in part because getting into Berkeley -- U.S. News & World Report's top-ranked public university -- has never been more daunting. There were 41,750 applicants for this year's freshman class of 4,157. Nearly half had a weighted grade point average of 4.0 or better (weighted for advanced courses). There is even grumbling from ''the old Blues'' -- older alumni named for the school color -- ''who complain because their kids can't get in,'' says Gregg Thomson, director of the Office of Student Research.

Mr. Hu applied to a lot of colleges, but Berkeley felt right for him from the start. ''It's the intellectual atmosphere -- this place is intense.''

Mr. Hu says he was pressured by a professor to go into something like medicine or engineering. ''It's a stereotype, but a lot of Asians who come here just study engineering and the sciences,'' he says. ''I was never interested in that.''

But as the only son of professionals born in China, Mr. Hu fits the profile of Asians at Berkeley in at least one way: they are predominantly first-generation American. About 95 percent of Asian freshmen come from a family in which one or both parents were born outside the United States.

He dashes off to class, and I wander through the serene setting of Memorial Glade, in the center of campus, and then loop over to Sproul Plaza, the beating heart of the university, where dozens of tables are set up by clubs representing every conceivable ethnic group. Out of nowhere, an a cappella group, mostly Asian men, appears and starts singing a Beach Boys song. Yes, tradition still matters in California.

ACROSS the United States, at elite private and public universities, Asian enrollment is near an all-time high. Asian-Americans make up less than 5 percent of the population but typically make up 10 to 30 percent of students at the nation's best colleges:in 2005, the last year with across-the-board numbers, Asians made up 24 percent of the undergraduate population at Carnegie Mellon and at Stanford, 27 percent at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 14 percent at Yale and 13 percent at Princeton.

And according to advocates of race-neutral admissions policies, those numbers should be even higher.

Asians have become the ''new Jews,'' in the phrase of Daniel Golden, whose recent book, ''The Price of Admission: How America's Ruling Class Buys Its Way Into Elite Colleges -- and Who Gets Left Outside the Gates,'' is a polemic against university admissions policies. Mr. Golden, a reporter for The Wall Street Journal, is referring to evidence that, in the first half of the 20th century, Ivy League schools limited the number of Jewish students despite their outstanding academic records to maintain the primacy of upper-class Protestants. Today, he writes, ''Asian-Americans are the odd group out, lacking racial preferences enjoyed by other minorities and the advantages of wealth and lineage mostly accrued by upper-class whites. Asians are typecast in college admissions offices as quasi-robots programmed by their parents to ace math and science.''

As if to illustrate the point, a study released in October by the Center for Equal Opportunity, an advocacy group opposing race-conscious admissions, showed that in 2005 Asian-Americans were admitted to the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, at a much lower rate (54 percent) than black applicants (71 percent) and Hispanic applicants (79 percent) -- despite median SAT scores that were 140 points higher than Hispanics and 240 points higher than blacks.

To force the issue on a legal level, a freshman at Yale filed a complaint in the fall with the Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights, contending he was denied admission to Princeton because he is Asian. The student, Jian Li, the son of Chinese immigrants in Livingston, N.J., had a perfect SAT score and near-perfect grades, including numerous Advanced Placement courses.

''This is just a very, very egregious system,'' Mr. Li told me. ''Asians are held to different standards simply because of their race.''

To back his claim, he cites a 2005 study by Thomas J. Espenshade and Chang Y. Chung, both of Princeton, which concludes that if elite universities were to disregard race, Asians would fill nearly four of five spots that now go to blacks or Hispanics. Affirmative action has a neutral effect on the number of whites admitted, Mr. Li is arguing, but it raises the bar for Asians. The way Princeton selects its entering class, Mr. Li wrote in his complaint, ''seems to be a calculated move by a historically white institution to protect its racial identity while at the same time maintaining a facade of progressivism.''

Private institutions can commit to affirmative action, even with state bans, but federal money could be revoked if they are found to be discriminating. Mr. Li is seeking suspension of federal financial assistance to Princeton. ''I'm not seeking anything personally,'' he says. ''I'm happy at Yale. But I grew up thinking that in America race should not matter.''

Admissions officials have long denied that they apply quotas. Nonetheless, race is important ''to ensure a diverse student body,'' says Cass Cliatt, a Princeton spokeswoman. But, she adds, ''Looking at the merits of race is not the same as the opposite'' -- discrimination.

Elite colleges like Princeton review the ''total package,'' in her words, looking at special talents, extracurricular interests and socioeconomics -- factors like whether the applicant is the first in the family to go to college or was raised by a single mother. ''There's no set formula or standard for how we evaluate students,'' she says. High grades and test scores would seem to be merely a baseline. ''We turned away approximately half of applicants with maximum scores on the SAT, all three sections,'' Ms. Cliatt says of the class Mr. Li would have joined.

In the last two months, the nation has seen a number of new challenges to racial engineering in schools. In November, the United States Supreme Court heard a case questioning the legality of using race in assigning students to public schools in Seattle and Louisville, Ky. Voters are also sending a message, having thrown out racial preferences in Michigan in November, following a lead taken by California, Texas, Florida and Washington. Last month, Ward Connerly, the architect of Proposition 209, announced his next potential targets for a ballot initiative, including Arizona, Colorado, Missouri and Nebraska.

When I ask the chancellor at Berkeley, Robert J. Birgeneau, if there is a perfect demographic recipe on this campus that likes to think of itself as the world's finest public university -- Harvard on the Hill -- he demurs.

''We are a meritocracy,'' he says. And -- by law, he adds -- the campus is supposed to be that way. If Asians made up, say, 70 percent of the campus, he insists, there would still be no attempt to reduce their numbers.

Asian enrollment at his campus actually began to ramp up well before affirmative action was banned.

Historically, Asians have faced discrimination, with exclusion laws in the 1800s that kept them from voting, owning property or legally immigrating. Many were run out of West Coast towns by mobs. But by the 1970s and '80s, with a change in immigration laws, a surge in Asian arrivals began to change the complexion of California, and it was soon reflected in an overrepresentation at its top universities.

In the late 1980s, administrators appeared to be limiting Asian-American admissions, prompting a federal investigation. The result was an apology by the chancellor at the time, and a vow that there would be no cap on Asian enrollment.

University administrators and teachers use anguished words to describe what has happened since.

''I've heard from Latinos and blacks that Asians should not be considered a minority at all,'' says Elaine Kim, a professor of Asian-American studies at Berkeley. ''What happened after they got rid of affirmative action has been a disaster -- for blacks and Latinos. And for Asians it's been a disaster because some people think the campus has become all-Asian.''

The diminishing number of African-Americans on campus is a consistent topic of discussion among black students. Some say they feel isolated, without a sense of community. ''You really do feel like you stand out,'' says Armilla Staley, a second-year law student. In her freshman year, she was one of only nine African-Americans in a class of 265. ''I'm almost always the only black person in my class,'' says Ms. Staley, who favors a return to some form of affirmative action.

''Quite frankly, when you walk around campus, it's overwhelmingly Asian,'' she says. ''I don't feel any tension between Asians and blacks, but I don't really identify with the Asian community as a minority either.''

Walter Robinson, the director of undergraduate admissions, who is African-American, has the same impression. ''The problem is that because we're so few, we get absorbed among the masses,'' he says.

Chancellor Birgeneau says he finds the low proportion of blacks and Hispanics appalling, and two years into his tenure, he has not found a remedy. To broaden the pool, the U.C. system promises to admit the top 4 percent at each high school in the state and uses ''comprehensive review'' -- considering an applicant's less quantifiable attributes. But the net results for a campus like Berkeley are disappointing. His university, Dr. Birgeneau says, loses talented black applicants to private universities like Stanford, where African-American enrollment was 10 percent last year -- nearly three times that at Berkeley.

''I just don't believe that in a state with three million African-Americans there is not a single engineering student for the state's premier public university,'' says the chancellor, who has called for reinstating racial preferences.

One leading critic of bringing affirmative action back to Berkeley is David A. Hollinger, chairman of its history department and author of ''Post-Ethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism.'' He supported racial preferences before Proposition 209, but is no longer so sure. ''You could argue that the campus is more diverse now,'' because Asians comprise so many different cultures, says Dr. Hollinger. A little more than half of Asian freshmen at Berkeley are Chinese, the largest group, followed by Koreans, East-Indian/Pakistani, Filipino and Japanese.

He believes that Latinos are underrepresented because many come from poor agrarian families with little access to the good schools that could prepare them for the rigors of Berkeley. He points out that, on the other hand, many of the Korean students on campus are sons and daughters of parents with college degrees. In any event, he says, it is not the university's job to fix the problems that California's public schools produce.

Dr. Birgeneau agrees on at least one point: ''I think we're now at the point where the category of Asian is not very useful. Koreans are different from people from Sri Lanka and they're different than Japanese. And many Chinese-Americans are a lot like Caucasians in some of their values and areas of interest.''

IF Berkeley is now a pure meritocracy, what does that say about the future of great American universities in the post-affirmative action age? Are we headed toward a day when all elite colleges will look something like Berkeley: relatively wealthy whites (about 60 percent of white freshmen's families make $100,000 or more) and a large Asian plurality and everyone else underrepresented? Is that the inevitable result of color-blind admissions?

Eric Liu, author of ''The Accidental Asian: Notes of a Native Speaker'' and a domestic policy adviser to former President Bill Clinton, is troubled by the assertion that the high Asian makeup of elite campuses reflects a post-racial age where merit prevails.

''I really challenge this idea of a pure meritocracy,'' says Mr. Liu, who runs mentoring programs that grew out of his book ''Guiding Lights: How to Mentor and Find Life's Purpose.'' Until all students -- from rural outposts to impoverished urban settings -- are given equal access to the Advanced Placement classes that have proved to be a ticket to the best colleges, then the idea of pure meritocracy is bunk, he says. ''They're measuring in a fair way the results of an unfair system.''

He also says Asian-Americans are tired of having to live up to -- or defend -- ''that tired old warhorse of the model minority.''

''We shouldn't be calling these studying habits that help so many kids get into good schools 'Asian values,' '' says Mr. Liu, himself a product of Yale College and Harvard Law School. ''These are values that used to be called Jewish values or Anglo-Saxon work-ethic values. The bottom line message from the family is the same: work hard, defer gratification, share sacrifice and focus on the big goal.''

Hazel R. Markus lectures on this very subject as a professor of psychology at Stanford and co-director of its Research Institute for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity. Her studies have found that Asian students do approach academics differently. Whether educated in the United States or abroad, she says, they see professors as authority figures to be listened to, not challenged in the back-and-forth Socratic tradition. ''You hear some teachers say that the Asian kids get great grades but just sit there and don't participate,'' she says. ''Talking and thinking are not the same thing. Being a student to some Asians means that it's not your place to question, and that flapping your gums all day is not the best thing.''

One study at the institute looked at Asian-American students in lab courses, and found they did better solving problems alone and without conversations with other students. ''This can make for some big problems,'' she says, like misunderstandings between classmates. ''But people are afraid to talk about these differences. And one of the fantastic opportunities of going to a Stanford or Berkeley is to learn something about other cultures, so we should be talking about it.''

As for the rise in Asian enrollment, the reason ''isn't a mystery,'' Dr. Markus says. ''This needs to come out and we shouldn't hide it,'' she says. ''In Asian families, the No. 1 job of a child is to be a student. Being educated -- that's the most honorable thing you can do.''

BERKELEY is ''Asian heaven,'' as one student puts it. ''When I went back East my Asian friends were like, 'Wow, you go to Berkeley -- that must be great,' '' says Tera Nakata, who just graduated and now works in the residence halls.

You need only go to colleges in, say, the Midwest to appreciate the Asian feel of this campus. But Berkeley is freighted with the baggage of stereotypes -- that it is boring socially, full of science nerds, a hard place to make friends.

''About half the students at this school spend their entire career in the library,'' one person wrote in a posting on vault.com, a popular job and college search Web site.

Another wrote: ''Everyone who is white joins the Greek system and everyone who isn't joins a 'theme house' or is a member of a club related to race.''

There is some truth to the image, students acknowledge, but it does not do justice to the bigger experience at Berkeley. ''You have the ability to stay with people who are like you and not get out of your comfort zone,'' says Ms. Nakata. ''But I learned a lot by mixing it up. I lived in a dorm with a lot of different races, and we would have these deep conversations all the time about race and our feelings of where we belong and where we came from.'' But she also says that the ''celebrate diversity aspect'' of Berkeley doesn't go deep. ''We want to respect everyone's differences, but we don't mix socially.''

Near the end of my stay at Berkeley I met a senior, Jonathan Lee, the son of a Taiwanese father and a mother from Hong Kong. He grew up well east of Los Angeles, in the New America sprawl of fast-growing Riverside County, where his father owned a restaurant. He went to a high school where he was a minority.

''When I was in high school,'' he says, ''there was this notion that you're Chinese, you must be really good in math.'' But now Mr. Lee is likely to become a schoolteacher, much to the chagrin of his parents, ''who don't think it will be very lucrative.''

The story of Jon Lee's journey at Berkeley is compelling. As president of the Asian-American Association, he has tried to dispel stereotypes of ''the Dragon Lady seductress or the idea that everybody plays the piano.'' His closest friends are in the club. It may seem that he has become more insular, that he has found his tribe. But Mr. Lee says he has been trying to lead other Asian students out of the university bubble. Once a week, they go into a mostly black and Hispanic middle school in the Bay Area to mentor students.

For the last five semesters, Mr. Lee has worked with one student. ''I take him out for dim sum, or to Chinatown, or just talk about college and what it's like at Cal,'' he says. ''We talk about race and we talk about everything. And he's taught me a lot.''

The mentoring program came about not because of prodding by well-meaning advisers, teachers or student groups. It came about because Mr. Lee looked around at the new America -- in California, the first state with no racial majority -- and found that it looked very different from Berkeley. And much as he loves Berkeley, he knew that if he wanted to learn enough to teach, he needed to get off campus.

[Photograph]
10 YEARS AFTER -- Minority students, top, at a Berkeley rally before affirmative action was abolished. At left, the campus today; Kim Hung and Crystal Lam review class notes. (pg. 24); (Photographs by JIM WILSON/The New York Times)(pg. 25); BERKELEY BUBBLE -- Jonathan Lee and Jonathan Hu, top and center, say they revel in not standing out. Walter Robinson, bottom, director of undergraduate admissions, struggles to fashion a diverse campus. (Photographs by Jim Wilson/The New York Times)(pg. 26); PERFECT SCORE, THIN ENVELOPE -- Jian Li, a freshman at Yale, has filed a complaint against Princeton. He contends that he was rejected because of race, and that admissions standards are higher for Asians. (Photo by Joseph Kugielsky for The New York Times)(pg. 27)

[Chart]
''East Meets West''
The ethnic breakdown of freshmen, fall 2006, at the four largest University of California campuses, compared with the population of the State of California.
CALIFORNIA
White -- 44%
Hispanic -- 35
Asian -- 12
Black -- 7
Other/unknown -- 2
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY
White -- 29
Hispanic -- 11
Asian -- 46
Black -- 4
Other/unknown -- 10
AT DAVIS
White -- 33
Hispanic -- 13
Asian -- 43
Black -- 3
Other/unknown -- 8
AT IRVINE
White -- 23
Hispanic -- 12
Asian -- 56
Black -- 2
Other/unknown -- 7
AT LOS ANGELES
White -- 31
Hispanic -- 13
Asian -- 43
Black -- 2
Other/unknown -- 11
(Sources by Census Bureau; University of California)(pg. 26)

[Chart]
''Too Many? Not Enough?''
Some say Asian-Americans are being denied spots at top colleges to keep their numbers in check (Asians make up 5 percent of the population). Following are percentages of Asian undergraduates at selected colleges.
Stanford -- 24%
Harvard -- 18%
Princeton -- 13%
M.I.T. -- 27%
Amherst -- 13%
Johns Hopkins -- 22%
Dartmouth -- 14%
Carnegie Mellon -- 24%
Stony Brook (SUNY) -- 22%
California Institute of Technology -- 33%
Cornell -- 16%
Cooper Union -- 20%
Wellesley -- 27%
University of Texas, Austin -- 17%
Columbia -- 13%
Rutgers, New Brunswick -- 22
(Source by College Board, fall 2005)(pgs. 25, 26, 27)

Tuesday, December 26, 2006

While perusing the Berkeley website for news...

Oh studies, they have studies about everything. This one caught my eye because it was under "sociology" under the Berkeley news press releases. Oh well...erm...Merry Christmas?

Study shows people compete to be generous
By Yasmin Anwar, Media Relations 19 December 2006

tages - CMS-->

BERKELEY – As the season of goodwill and big spending crests, a new study by researchers at the University of California, Berkeley, and Cornell University indicates that people - when observed - are conspicuously generous in their giving and will even compete in the bigheartedness department to win favor and make friends.
"I think it's a dynamic you see a lot around the holidays. Some folks spend time
worrying about how their gifts stack up relative to others, and people seem to
compete to give better gifts than others to develop a reputation as a generous
person," said UC Berkeley assistant sociology professor Robb Willer, who co-authored the study with Cornell University evolutionary biologist Pat Barclay.
"At the same time, Willer added, "it's certainly a dynamic at odds with the traditional spirit of the holiday season, so competitive generosity may be something to avoid, if possible, in order to preserve the sincerity of the 'season of giving.'"
The study, "Partner Choice Creates Competitive Altruism in Humans," is set to be published tomorrow (Wednesday, Dec. 20) in the journal Proceedings of the Royal Society of London: Biological Sciences.

While the finding of "competitive altruism" seems a contradiction in terms, the study's results signal significant implications not only for the evolution of human
cooperation, but for everyday life, Willer said.
"People value money and resources, but they also value having a good reputation and are willing to invest in maintaining one," he said.

Barclay and Willer embarked on the study together after each completing independent dissertation research showing that people behave generously in large part to develop a good reputation. To take their findings a step further, they sought to discover whether people would actively compete to be the most generous, and set about creating the conditions for altruistic one-upmanship.


As part of the study, 31 women and 23 men from Cornell University engaged in various exercises testing for cooperation and altruistic competition. Initially, for example, participants were paired off and each given 10 "lab dollars," of which any amount could be given to his or her partner.


Overall, the study found that participants donated more money when
observed by others than when they gave privately. Moreover, when the rules were
changed to allow participants to choose their partners, contributions increased
dramatically as participants sought to become desirable partners.
"First, we showed that people tended to be more generous when others would know what they gave," Willer said. "But more interestingly, we found that people would compete to be more generous than one another when one might be picked as a future interaction partner by someone else. This is the first demonstration of
'competitive generosity' in controlled conditions that we are aware of."

Why do people compete to give away money? "Generosity is a relative thing," Barclay said. "If you're slightly generous, but everyone around you is selfish, then
you'll be a highly desirable partner, all else being equal. However, since everyone might benefit from being a desirable partner, everyone will be slightly generous, so you need to be even more generous than that in order to stand out as a desirable partner and be chosen."
"The paper shows how the freedom to choose social partners can result in people subtly competing to be more altruistic than others," Barclay added.
Choice matters, he said, because it provides an incentive to compete: "If people don't get to choose whom they interact with, then there's no need to compete with others. There's still an incentive to be nice so that others will be nice to you, but you don't need to be nicer than others."


Barclay said a similar dynamic is played out in the dating market, where people compete to be desirable partners so they will find ideal mates. "This study takes this principle and applies it to altruistic acts, thinking about altruism as being part of a competition for social partners," he said.

Tuesday, November 28, 2006

Latin America is just so interesting right now...

Yesterday, I was in lecture and one of my professors said that one of the most intriguing places to look at/ get inspired by was the massive reforms going on in Latin America. Hugo Chavez, Michelle Bachellet, and now perhaps Rafael Correa? I'm interested to see what's going to happen.








canada, canadian search engine, free email, canada news

Leftist headed for victory in Ecuador election plans radical change

Monte Hayes
Canadian Press

QUITO, Ecuador (AP) - Rafael Correa, a leftist nationalist headed to victory in Ecuador's presidential race, is already planning radical changes when he takes office in January.

That is putting him on track for a dangerous confrontation with the country's opposition-controlled Congress - a body he has called a "sewer" but which he needs to carry out his reforms.

"We receive this triumph with deep serenity and humility," the 43-year-old Correa, who calls himself a "personal friend" of Venezuela's anti-U.S. President Hugo Chavez, said at a news conference Sunday night.

With 58 per cent of ballots counted, Correa had 65 per cent of the vote. Banana tycoon Alvaro Noboa had 35 per cent, Ecuador's Supreme Electoral Tribunal said Monday.

While votes in Noboa's stronghold Guayas, Ecuador's most-populous province, were among the last to be tallied, even a strong advantage there would not be enough for Noboa to win.

Correa's followers took to the streets in caravans with musicians to celebrate a victory few questioned except Noboa, who said he would await the end of the official count that might not come until Tuesday.

Correa said his victory "is a clear message to our traditional political class of the profound changes that our citizens want. This country doesn't need patching up."

"It needs a new constitution in tune with the times."

Correa, who has a doctorate in economics from the University of Illinois, surged in voter support as a fresh-faced outsider determined to change Ecuador's political system.

His view that the Ecuadorean democratic system is designed to benefit parties, rather than people, is shared by many voters fed up with corruption, greed and incompetence in the political establishment.

During the campaign, Correa attacked Ecuador's Congress as a "sewer" of corruption and ran no candidates for the legislature. He now faces a Congress totally in the hands of his opponents - but said that's not important.

"Let's stop worrying so much about Congress. Let them scrutinize what they want. We're not afraid," he said.

"What we won't tolerate is any attempt at instability or blackmail."

Correa said his first act after being sworn in as president Jan. 15 will be to call for a national referendum on the need to elect a special assembly that could rewrite the constitution and even shut down Congress.

That puts him on a collision course with the legislature, which has dismissed Ecuador's last three elected presidents, violating impeachment proceedings in the process, after huge street protests demanding their ousters.

Jaime Duran, a public opinion analyst who served as chief of staff in a previous government, noted the congressmen elected in October were just as legitimately elected as Correa.

"They have the same right to serve as Correa does," he said.

Correa's problem is Congress would have to approve a constitutional reform to allow creation of a constituent assembly. And it has blocked attempts by the last two presidents to rewrite the constitution.

Correa has threatened street protests if legislators don't agree to a new constitution that trims the power of the traditional parties.

Many of the changes he proposes would make politicians more responsive to voters. For example, congressmen would represent districts instead of being elected with a national vote. He also supports allowing recall of all elected officials.

But he risks violating the constitution if he tries to organize an election for a constituent assembly without Congress's approval.

He argues "the voice of the people" as reflected in a national referendum takes precedence over Congress or the constitution - a position challenged by most legal experts.

Insistence on forcing electoral authorities to convene an election for the assembly could put him in risk of impeachment, experts said.

"That immediately creates a conflict with Congress," said Benjamin Ortiz, head of a think-tank in the capital Quito.

Since Correa has no congressmen to defend him, "for the first time, there would be sufficient votes to impeach a president without resorting to the murky manoeuvres of the past," Ortiz said.

© The Canadian Press 2006



Wednesday, October 18, 2006

I'm shocked.

October 16, 2006
Op-Ed Columnist

Why Aren’t We Shocked?
By BOB HERBERT

“Who needs a brain when you have these?”

— message on an Abercrombie & Fitch T-shirt for young women

In the recent shootings at an Amish schoolhouse in rural Pennsylvania and a large public high school in Colorado, the killers went out of their way to separate the girls from the boys, and then deliberately attacked only the girls.

Ten girls were shot and five killed at the Amish school. One girl was killed and a number of others were molested in the Colorado attack.

In the widespread coverage that followed these crimes, very little was made of the fact that only girls were targeted. Imagine if a gunman had gone into a school, separated the kids up on the basis of race or religion, and then shot only the black kids. Or only the white kids. Or only the Jews.

There would have been thunderous outrage. The country would have first recoiled in horror, and then mobilized in an effort to eradicate that kind of murderous bigotry. There would have been calls for action and reflection. And the attack would have been seen for what it really was: a hate crime.

None of that occurred because these were just girls, and we have become so accustomed to living in a society saturated with misogyny that violence against females is more or less to be expected. Stories about the rape, murder and mutilation of women and girls are staples of the news, as familiar to us as weather forecasts. The startling aspect of the Pennsylvania attack was that this terrible thing happened at a school in Amish country, not that it happened to girls.

The disrespectful, degrading, contemptuous treatment of women is so pervasive and so mainstream that it has just about lost its ability to shock. Guys at sporting events and other public venues have shown no qualms about raising an insistent chant to nearby women to show their breasts. An ad for a major long-distance telephone carrier shows three apparently naked women holding a billing statement from a competitor. The text asks, “When was the last time you got screwed?”

An ad for Clinique moisturizing lotion shows a woman’s face with the lotion spattered across it to simulate the climactic shot of a porn video.

We have a problem. Staggering amounts of violence are unleashed on women every day, and there is no escaping the fact that in the most sensational stories, large segments of the population are titillated by that violence. We’ve been watching the sexualized image of the murdered 6-year-old JonBenet Ramsey for 10 years. JonBenet is dead. Her mother is dead. And we’re still watching the video of this poor child prancing in lipstick and high heels.

What have we learned since then? That there’s big money to be made from thongs, spandex tops and sexy makeovers for little girls. In a misogynistic culture, it’s never too early to drill into the minds of girls that what really matters is their appearance and their ability to please men sexually.

A girl or woman is sexually assaulted every couple of minutes or so in the U.S. The number of seriously battered wives and girlfriends is far beyond the ability of any agency to count. We’re all implicated in this carnage because the relentless violence against women and girls is linked at its core to the wider society’s casual willingness to dehumanize women and girls, to see them first and foremost as sexual vessels — objects — and never, ever as the equals of men.

“Once you dehumanize somebody, everything is possible,” said Taina Bien-Aimé, executive director of the women’s advocacy group Equality Now.

That was never clearer than in some of the extreme forms of pornography that have spread like nuclear waste across mainstream America. Forget the embarrassed, inhibited raincoat crowd of the old days. Now Mr. Solid Citizen can come home, log on to this $7 billion mega-industry and get his kicks watching real women being beaten and sexually assaulted on Web sites with names like “Ravished Bride” and “Rough Sex — Where Whores Get Owned.”

Then, of course, there’s gangsta rap, and the video games where the players themselves get to maul and molest women, the rise of pimp culture (the Academy Award-winning song this year was “It’s Hard Out Here for a Pimp”), and on and on.

You’re deluded if you think this is all about fun and games. It’s all part of a devastating continuum of misogyny that at its farthest extreme touches down in places like the one-room Amish schoolhouse in normally quiet Nickel Mines, Pa.

[source: NY Times]

Thursday, October 12, 2006

Another Case of Intent and Affect

Well, well. I believe that this is a satire/ supposed to be humorous piece, but doesn't the saying go- "there's comedy in truth" or "a lie is 90% true/10% lie" or something? Just read and decide for yourself.

[thanks to everyone who emailed this to me- Chris, Fritzie, & Erin]

By Jed Levine
DAILY BRUIN CONTRIBUTOR
jlevine@media.ucla.edu

Over a hundred students gathered in Meyerhoff Park last week to express discontent with the University of California admissions policy.

Protestors chanted such slogans as, "UC Regents, I see racists," and criticized UCLA for not doing enough to increase diversity.

But they missed the point entirely.

Why focus on the "racist" UC Board of Regents? Why go after something so cliche as "The Man"?

If you're going to blame anyone, I say we blame the Asians.

I empathize with members of the Black Student Union and MEChA who spoke at the rally. As a fellow underrepresented minority at UCLA, I agree that it's hard to find other white people I can identify with on a campus that feels more like Taipei than L.A.

Yes, white people are an underrepresented minority here at UCLA; while they make up 44 percent of the California population, white students only constitute 34 percent of UCLA's student population.

ARIEL ALTER/daily bruin




Asian-Americans, on the other hand, make up only 12 percent of the state of California and 38 percent of UCLA students.

That's 300 percent over-representation: Welcome to UCLAsian.

I agree with the chair of MEChA that the UC Regents are using unfair means to admit UC students. Using grades and test scores as a measure of academic success is clearly just a way to show preference to Asian-American students, who are better at both, and thus promote the status quo.

Why else would they focus on such erroneous admissions criteria as grades and test scores?

What is this, an academic institution? I certainly hope not.

Fortunately, last week's rally has given us a chance to dwell on the critical topic of affirmative action � the practice of using race in university admissions.

Some might point to socio-economic inequality and the poor state of California's inner-city schools as key parts of the larger problem, and that low numbers of white, black and Latino students are simply a symptom of these larger issues.

By fixing these inequalities, they say, we can change the dynamics of our society and increase minority enrollment.

But these people are wrong. Affirmative action makes sense, because, as any pre-med will tell you, treat the symptom, not the disease.

How can we fix this gross inequality and make sure that UCLA better reflects the racial makeup of California? How can we curb the Asian invasion?

Considering that Proposition 209, passed by California voters in 1996, effectively banned any form of affirmative action at the UC, you might think this would be a tough feat.

According to speakers at last week's rally, the only thing standing in our way � aside from Prop. 209 � is those racists running this sham of a social experiment that we call the University of California.

Still, we have an excellent opportunity to reform the admissions process to benefit underrepresented minorities without violating Prop. 209 and directly using race.

For example, we could easily decipher potential Asian-American applicants by checking what student groups they are involved in, such as Asian cultural organizations or Key Club.

I hear some liberal arts colleges accept head shots from applicants, and I think a similar program at UCLA would be monumentally successful at helping us weed out the young Maos and Kim Jongs from potential Mandelas, Lincolns and Estefans.

By keeping the Asian-American student numbers under control and more accurate to their representation in California, we can free up 26 percent of the student body for members of underrepresented groups.

The result is a win-win situation: fewer rolling backpacks, more diversity.

These overflow Asians could then be funneled into a new UC campus where they can be free to explore their identities. Indeed the UC system has a brand new campus that fits the bill perfectly.

Say hello to the UC Merced Pandas.

Some might accuse the BSU and MEChA of wasting their time kicking a dead horse by supporting an idea that California voters shot down in 1996 and have no intention of voting back again.

But I think this problem is more pertinent than ever, and it's time to wake up and smell the bamboo.


If you understand satire or really like pandas, e-mail Jed at jlevine@media.ucla.edu.

Thursday, September 28, 2006

[Article about Asian American Representation]

Well nothing too new here. But I thought I'd put it up anyway. Does anyone ever have a hard time watching movies because of the Asian American stereotypes in it? Ex. Sixteen Candles, Breakfast at Tiffanys, Flower Drum song?

Hollywood's Racial Catch-22

Asian-Americans Defined and Damaged by Their On-Screen Images

By FRANK MASTROPOLO

Film

(ABC News)

Sep. 27, 2006 -- - Hollywood likes to paint different groups with broad strokes.

Southerners are backward. Priests are pedophiles. Mexicans are lazy. Italians have links to the Mob.

Few groups with as long a history in this country as Asian-Americans have been portrayed in such a limited variety of roles: The kung fu fighter. The studious nerd. The mercenary businessman. The "Dragon Lady." The prostitute.

In his new documentary, "The Slanted Screen," writer/producer/director Jeff Adachi says these narrow screen portrayals are dangerous because they affect the way Asian-Americans are perceived in the real world, shaping and defining their identities.

As part of a John Stossel "20/20" story on Hollywood stereotypes, three of the leading Asian-American actors on TV today -- Daniel Dae Kim, B.D. Wong, and Ming-Na -- agreed to take part so they could set the record straight.

They described how the negative images they saw growing up had affected their lives and careers.

Old School Asian-American Actors

It was meeting the Asian actors of the previous generations, like James Shigeta, one of the first Asian-American male stars in Hollywood, that led Adachi to produce his film.

Adachi told ABC that he made "The Slanted Screen" to tell the story of actors caught "in a perpetual Catch-22."

In the past, Asian actors were only offered demeaning roles, which they had to play if they wanted to pay the rent.

"When they did play those roles, they were ostracized by their own communities."

Asian-Americans have been in films since the industry's birth.

Japanese actor Sessue Hayakawa became a star playing a romantic leading man in the silent era.

"He not only starred in silent films, but he had written and directed and produced his own films," Adachi said.

But his success was short-lived.

Hayakawa started his own studio because he was tired of the stereotypical roles he was continually offered, and he eventually left Hollywood to make films overseas.

Hayakawa returned to the United States in the 1940s and played character parts such as the Oscar-nominated role of a Japanese military officer in "Bridge on the River Kwai."

The 'Inscrutable Oriental'

Through the 1940s, racist portrayals of Asians became the norm, and actors, when they could get work, were often relegated to playing the "inscrutable Oriental" stereotype: shifty, diabolical and mysterious, like Dr. Fu Manchu or his female counterpart, the "Dragon Lady."

Even more insulting was the fact that many Asian characters, like Charlie Chan, were played by white actors in what is called "yellowface" -- wearing devices like eyepieces and rubber bands to "slant" the eyes, dark makeup, and false buck teeth to try and "pass" as Asian.

Many Asians reveled in the success of martial arts expert Bruce Lee, who became a star in America with the 1973 film "Enter the Dragon."

But this too became a stereotype, says Tisa Chang, director of New York's Pan Asian Repertory Theatre, as Asian-American actors emulated Lee and began studying kung fu.

"So now the flip side of stereotyping is that every Asian-American actor is expected to know some form of martial arts. Any casting person will say, 'Well, do you do some martial arts?'"

Long Duk Dong

One of the most notorious Asian stereotypes was the character Long Duk Dong in the popular 1984 "brat pack" film "Sixteen Candles."

Young Japanese-American actor Gedde Watanabe played the undersexed, nerdy foreign-exchange student whose ethnicity was the butt of jokes throughout the film.

In "Slanted Screen," comedian Bobby Lee of MAD TV says, "My nickname was 'Long Duk Dong' in high school because of that character, and I think every Asian guy that ever went to an American school's nickname was Long Duk Dong because of that character. That means that you're not going to get any girls."

Daniel Dae Kim of ABC's "Lost" told "20/20's" Stossel that images like the Long Duk Dong character and that of the subservient cook Hop Sing on "Bonanza" had been "hard for me to shake as a high school student. … Because a lot of those characters were the very ones that people would make fun of me about when I was going to school. They made an indelible mark on my childhood psyche."

B.D. Wong, who plays a psychiatrist on "Law & Order: Special Victims Unit" knew as a child he wanted to be a performer, but "every portrayal of an Asian that I was watching as a kid was something that embarrassed me."

With the exception, he says, of actor George Takei, who played Lt. Sulu on the space series "Star Trek."

"George Takei on 'Star Trek' was the dignified role model that a lot of Asian-American actors found comfort in. 'Wow, there's a guy who doesn't speak with an accent, who is part of an American landscape.' It's space. So they got away with it."

The Invisible Asian-Americans

A study released last month done by UCLA researchers for the Asian American Justice Center confirmed that there had not been a tremendous amount of progress for Asian-American actors looking for leading roles on network TV.

While Asian-Americans make up 5 percent of the U.S. population, the report found only 2.6 percent were primetime TV regulars.

And shows set in cities with large Asian populations, like New York and Los Angeles, had few Asian roles.

One out of five people in the New York City borough of Queens is Asian, but CBS's "The King of Queens" has no Asian characters.

Actress Ming-Na, who plays an FBI agent on the new Fox show "Vanished," noticed that about Orange County, Calif., where the show "The O.C." is based.

She told "20/20": "I don't know what Orange County that show is representing. But there is not one single Asian in that show. And I am sorry, that is just wrong. It would be like having a show take place in China and not having one Asian represented."

The danger, "Law & Order's" Wong says, is that Asian-Americans can become invisible in their own country.

"I felt a great need to prove to people that there was such a thing as an Asian-American person. I don't think that people in this country generally, widely understand that there are people with my face that were actually born here."

The lack of what Wong calls "an American landscape that's really diverse" on TV is "tremendously damaging for kids."

Wong says as a kid, this said to him, "You're not welcome. You're not welcome in this industry. And frankly, I'm not so sure you're so welcome in the country in general."

"People really trust and believe in what they see on the television," Wong told Stossel. "I certainly trusted and believed it when I was a kid. … And it did a number on me."

Tisa Chang agrees. "A young person growing up, seeing himself lampooned and caricatured with broken English or buck teeth or slanty eyes. … It's really quite an emotional and psychic trauma for a young person."

"We are a melting pot," Ming-Na said. "We need to address it, and we need to represent it in television and in films."

"It would be a really wonderful place in Hollywood," Ming-Na said, "when we are just seen as actors. Where we are not plagued with being an 'Asian-American actor' or an 'African-American actor,' because then we might as well call Tom Cruise 'the Caucasian actor.' … When that time comes, that's when I think we are forging ahead."

abcnews

Monday, September 18, 2006

[Race is a Factor in Jails, But Not in Education?]

Some articles that recently caught my attention.

Homicide Rates Reveal Disparities
Neighboring Cities’ Demographics Hold Hints to Why Berkeley Has Proportionally Fewer Murders
Daily Cal Staff Writer
Thursday, September 14, 2006
While just over a week ago Berkeley marked its fourth homicide of the year, neighboring cities have consistently seen more homicides, the reasons for which law enforcement officials say are "complicated."

Nearby Oakland counted another homicide victim on Tuesday night, bringing the total to 102 this year. While Oakland does have nearly four times the population of Berkeley, it has experienced 25 times as many killings this year.

Even in Richmond, where the population size is almost the same as Berkeley's, the current 2006 homicide rate is seven times that of Berkeley's.

Earlier this week, Richmond experienced a surge of violence, reporting four homicides in the course of two days to bring the year's total to 28 killings.

The disparity between the cities cannot be clearly attributed to any one factor.

According to 2000 state census data, Berkeley's demographics reflect a better-educated community-though its poverty rates are quite close to those in Oakland and Richmond.

More than 60 percent of Berkeley's population that is at least 25 years old has earned at least a bachelor's degree, whereas Oakland has half that percentage. In Richmond, 22.4 percent of people 25 or older have similar education levels.

Several city officials, as well as the U.S. Department of Justice, cite poverty as a strong factor in violent crimes.

Richmond police Lt. Mark Gagan said poverty contributes to violence in the city, especially when coupled with a lack of community cohesion that drives young people to join gangs.

"Youths in Richmond have exposure to violence in the streets," he said. "They are socialized by seeing that gunfire."

But poverty does not fully explain the situation. In Richmond, 16 percent of the population lives in poverty, compared to 20 percent in Berkeley, according to census data from 2000.

While Berkeley has fewer homicides than surrounding cities, the rate has not always been as low.

Berkeley has averaged six homicides a year over the past decade, but in the 1980s, the average hovered around 15 to 20 killings per year, said Berkeley police Sgt. Mary Kusmiss.

"Crack showed itself in the early '80s ... (and) Berkeley was not immune, being close to San Francisco and Oakland," Kusmiss said.

The emergence of crack cocaine brought a surge in drug-related killings until the creation of the Special Enforcement Unit, a task force that started putting pressure on drug sales and dealers in the early 1980s, Kusmiss said.

Though Berkeley has a number of currently active gangs, the drug task force has been effective in reducing drug related homicides, Kusmiss said.

"It's fair to say many of the homicides that happen in Richmond and Oakland are narcotics or drug related," she said.

Oakland homicide Sgt. James Rullamas said that the numbers, while high this year, are lower than those in the early 1990s. In 1995, for example, Oakland police recorded 153 killings, with even more in 1992.

Most of the victims and suspects in Oakland homicides are young black males from poorer living situations, said Oakland police Officer Roland Holmgren.

Data from the U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics shows that in 2004 blacks were seven times more likely to commit homicide than whites.

Blacks make up around 35 percent of the population in Oakland and in Richmond, compared to around 13 percent of the population in Berkeley, while the percentage of Hispanics in Oakland and Richmond is about double that in Berkeley.

Nestled between cities whose current homicide rates dwarf Berkeley's, the city had spent several months without a killing prior to last week's death of a man in a Southside sorority house.

Community activist Laura Menard said this is the first summer she has lived in South Berkeley where there has not been a shooting in the neighborhood, a threat she said she has become used to living with.

"In Alameda County there are a hell of a lot of people in the drug and violence business," Menard said. "We (in Berkeley) have a small corner of the same activity, but enforcement is working right now."

Despite the high homicide rate in surrounding cities, homicides do not speak to the safety of a community, Kusmiss said. Crimes like robberies that tend to include suspects preying on strangers are better indicators of community safety than homicides, which are usually committed by people the victim knows.

"(But) one murder is too many," she said.

A correction to this article can be found here.

Emma Radovich covers crime and courts. Contact her at eradovich@dailycal.org.

_________________________

Study: Blacks more likely than whites to be jailed for drug offenses

- Black people are 28 times more likely than whites to be locked up for drug offenses in Illinois -- the biggest gap in the nation -- according to a study published Tuesday.

With more than half of those jailed for drug crimes in Illinois being black, "the racial disparity ... is just staggering," according to the Roosevelt University study.

Unless policy changes favoring treatment over punishment are brought in, the growing prison population will increasingly be made up of small-time drug users, the study warns. Only California jails more drug offenders than Illinois, it added.

Report co-author Kathleen Kane-Willis, of the university's Institute for Metropolitan Affairs, stopped short of blaming racism on the part of individual law enforcement officers and prosecutors but said, "The state's policies have racist outcomes."

Authorities' focus on easier-to-police open-air drug markets in black neighborhoods rather than harder-to-catch dealers operating in private homes in white neighborhoods partly accounted for the difference in incarceration rates, she said.

"The national survey on drugs and health shows drug use is as high among whites as it is among African-Americans," Kane-Willis said.

"It's time to look again at our policies and, I hope, treat the issue as a public health problem, which should be dealt with by treatment and education, not jail, which just isn't working."

That call was echoed by Terry Kriss of the South Suburban Council on Alcohol and Substance Abuse, based in Hazel Crest.

"There could always be more funds for treatment  there just aren't enough services to help people, especially when they get out of prison," Kriss said.

"Most of the people we help have been through the system many times, and they need more resources and more support."

Roosevelt's study, titled "Intersecting Voices: Impacts of Illinois Drug Policies," shows there are six blacks jailed for drug offenses for every one white offender in Illinois, even though blacks account for only 15 percent of the state's population.

The true disparity may be even larger because Hispanics -- also thought to be at increased risk of conviction -- are grouped with whites in official statistics.

Ohio, the only state whose figures come close to Illinois', has a slightly higher rate of incarceration for blacks, but the disparity with white Ohioans is smaller.

Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan's spokeswoman Cara Smith said Madigan was studying the report and was "very concerned about any claims of racial disparity in Illinois' criminal justice system."

Sun-Times News Group Wire © Chicago Sun-Times 2006


_________________________

http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/pwork/1200/122k05.htm

Racism, Prisons, and the Future of Black America

Manning Marable is Professor of History and Political Science, and the Director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies, Columbia University. This essay appeared August 2000 in his column "Along the Color Line," available on the Internet at <www.manningmarable.net>

Manning  Marable There are today over two million Americans incarcerated in federal and state prisons and local jails throughout the United States. More than one-half, or one million, are black men and women. The devastating human costs of the mass incarceration of one out of every 35 individuals within black America are beyond imagination. While civil rights organizations like the NAACP and black institutions such as churches and mosques have begun to address this widespread crisis of black mass imprisonment, they have frankly not given it the centrality and importance it deserves.

Black leadership throughout this country should place this issue at the forefront of their agendas. And we also need to understand how and why American society reached this point of constructing a vast prison industrial complex, in order to find strategies to dismantle it.

For a variety of reasons, rates of violent crime, including murder, rape, and robbery, increased dramatically in the 1960s and 1970s. Much of this increase occurred in urban areas. By the late 1970s, nearly one half of all Americans were afraid to walk within a mile of their homes at night, and 90% responded in surveys that the US criminal justice system was not dealing harshly enough with criminals. Politicians like Richard M. Nixon, George Wallace, and Ronald Reagan began to campaign successfully on the theme of "Law and Order." The death penalty, which was briefly outlawed by the Supreme Court, was reinstated. Local, state, and federal expenditures for law enforcement rose sharply.

Behind much of anti-crime rhetoric was a not-too-subtle racial dimension, the projection of crude stereotypes about the link between criminality and black people. Rarely did these politicians observe that minority and poor people, not the white middle class, were statistically much more likely to experience violent crimes of all kinds. The argument was made that law enforcement officers should be given much greater latitude in suppressing crime, that sentences should be lengthened and made mandatory, and that prisons should be designed not for the purpose of rehabilitation, but for punishment.

Consequently, there was a rapid expansion in the personnel of the criminal justice system, as well as the construction of new prisons. What occurred in New York State, for example, was typical of what happened nationally. From 1817 to 1981, New York had opened 33 state prisons. From 1982 to 1999, another 38 state prisons were constructed. The state's prison population at the time of the Attica prison revolt in September 1971 was about 12,500. By 1999, there were over 71,000 prisoners in New York State correctional facilities.

In 1974, the number of Americans incarcerated in all state prisons stood at 187,500. By 1991, the number had reached 711,700. Nearly two-thirds of all state prisoners in 1991 had less than a high school education. One third of all prisoners were unemployed at the time of their arrests. Incarceration rates by the end of the 1980s had soared to unprecedented rates, especially for black Americans. As of December 1989, the total US prison population, including federal institutions, exceeded one million for the first time in history, an incarceration rate of the general population of one out of every 250 citizens.

For African Americans, the rate was over 700 per 100,000, or about seven times more than for whites. About one half of all prisoners were black. Twenty-three percent of all black males in their twenties were either in jail or prison, on parole, probation, or awaiting trial. The rate of incarceration of black Americans in 1989 had even surpassed that experienced by blacks who still lived under the apartheid regime of South Africa.

By the early 1990s, rates for all types of violent crime began to plummet. But the laws which sent offenders to prison were made even more severe. Children were increasingly viewed in courts as adults, and subjected to harsher penalties. Laws like California's "three strikes and you're out" eliminated the possibility of parole for repeat offenders. The vast majority of these new prisoners were non-violent offenders, and many of these were convicted of drug offenses that carried long prison terms. In New York, a state in which African Americans and Latinos comprise 25% of the total population, by 1999 they represented 83% of all state prisoners, and 94% of all individuals convicted on drug offenses.

The pattern of racial bias in these statistics is confirmed by the research of the US Commission on Civil Rights, which found that while African Americans today constitute only 14% of all drug users nationally, they are 35% of all drug arrests, 55% of all drug convictions, and 75% of all prison admissions for drug offenses. Currently, the racial proportions of those under some type of correctional supervision, including parole and probation, are one-in-fifteen for young white males, one-in-ten for young Latino males, and one-in-three for young African-American males. Statistically today, more than eight out of every ten African-American males will be arrested at some point in their lifetime.

guard tower
Guard tower © Michael Jackson-Hardy, from Behind the Razor Wire, New York University Press

The latest innovation in American corrections is termed "special housing units" (SHU), but which prisoners also generally refer to as The Box. SHUs are uniquely designed solitary confinement cells, in which prisoners are locked down for 23 hours a day for months or even years at a time. SHU cellblocks are electronically monitored, pre- fabricated structures of concrete and steel, about 14 feet long and 8 feet wide, amounting to 120 square feet of space. The two inmates who are confined in each cell, however, actually have only about 60 square feet of usable space, or 30 square feet per person.

All meals are served to prisoners through a thin slot cut into the steel door. The toilet unit, sink and shower are all located in the cell. Prisoners are permitted one hour "exercise time" each day in a small concrete balcony, surrounded by heavy security wire, directly connected with their SHU cells. Educational and rehabilitation programs for SHU prisoners are prohibited.

As of 1998, New York State had confined 5700 state prisoners in SHUs, about 8% of its total inmate population. Currently under construction in Upstate New York is a new 750 cell maximum security SHU facility, which will cost state taxpayers $180 million. Although Amnesty International and human rights groups in the US have widely condemned SHUs, claiming that such forms of imprisonment constitute the definition of torture under international law, other states have followed New York's example. As of 1998, California had constructed 2942 SHU beds, followed by Mississippi (1756), Arizona (1728), Virginia (1267), Texas (1229), Louisiana (1048) and Florida (1000). Solitary confinement, which historically had been defined even by corrections officials as an extreme disciplinary measure, is becoming increasingly the norm.

The introduction of SHUs reflects a general mood in the country that the growing penal population is essentially beyond redemption. If convicted felons cease to be viewed as human beings, why should they be treated with any humanity? This question should be elevated and discussed in every African-American and Latino neighborhood, community center, religious institution, and union hall across this country. Because the overwhelming human casualties of this racist leviathan are our own children, parents, sisters, and brothers. Those whom this brutal system defines as being "beyond redemption" are ourselves.

Costs of the system

What are the economic costs for American society of the vast expansion of our prison-industrial complex? According to criminal justice researcher David Barlow at the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee, between 1980 and 2000, the combined expenditures of federal, state, and local governments on police have increased about 400%. Corrections expenditures for building new prisons, upgrading existing facilities, hiring more guards, and related costs, increased approximately one thousand percent. Although it currently costs about $70,000 to construct a typical prison cell, and about $25,000 annually to supervise and maintain each prisoner, the US is currently building hundreds of new prison beds per week.

The driving ideological and cultural force that rationalized and justifies mass incarceration is the white American public's stereotypical perceptions about race and crime. As Andrew Hacker perceptively noted in 1995, "Quite clearly, 'black crime' does not make people think about tax evasion or embezzling from brokerage firms. Rather, the offenses generally associated with blacks are those ...involving violence." A number of researchers have found that racial stereotypes of African Americans--as "violent," "aggressive," "hostile" and "short-tempered"--greatly influence whites' judgments about crime. Generally, most whites are inclined to give black and Latino defendants more severe judgments of guilt and lengthier prison sentences than whites who commit identical crimes. Racial bias has been well established especially in capital cases, where killers of white victims are much more likely to receive the death penalty than those who murder African Americans.

Sentencing disparity

The greatest victims of these racialized processes of unequal justice, of course, are African-American and Latino young people. In April 2000, utilizing national and state data compiled by the FBI, the Justice Department and six leading foundations issued a comprehensive study that documented vast racial disparities at every level of the juvenile justice process. African Americans under age 18 comprise 15% of their national age group, yet they currently represent 26% of all those who are arrested.


prison yard
Prison yard © Michael Jackson-Hardy, from Behind the Razor Wire, New York University Press
After entering the criminal justice system, white and black juveniles with the same records are treated in radically different ways. According to the Justice Department's study, among white youth offenders, 66% are referred to juvenile courts, while only 31% of the
African-American youth are taken there. Blacks comprise 44% of those detained in juvenile jails, 46% of all those tried in adult criminal courts, as well as 58% of all juveniles who are warehoused in adult prison. In practical terms, this means that for young African Americans who are arrested and charged with a crime, that they are more than six times more likely to be assigned to prison that white youth offenders.

For those young people who have never been to prison before, African Americans are nine times more likely than whites to be sentenced to juvenile prisons. For youths charged with drug offenses, blacks are 48 times more likely than whites to be sentenced to juvenile prison. White youths charged with violent offenses are incarcerated on average for 193 days after trial; by contrast, African-American youths are held 254 days, and Latino youths are incarcerated 305 days.

What seems clear is that a new leviathan of racial inequality has been constructed across our country. It lacks the brutal simplicity of the old Jim Crow system, with its omnipresent "white" and "colored" signs. Yet it is in many respects potentially far more devastating, because it presents itself to the world as a system that is truly color-blind. The black freedom struggle of the 1960s was successful largely because it convinced a majority of white middle class Americans that Jim Crow was economically inefficient, and that politically it could not be sustained or justified.

The movement utilized the power of creative disruption, making it impossible for the old system of white prejudice and power to function in the same old ways it had for decades. For Americans who still believe in racial equality and social justice, we cannot stand silent while millions of our fellow citizens are being destroyed all around us. The racialized prison industrial complex is the great moral and political challenge of our time.

For several years, I have lectured in New York's famous Sing Sing prison, as part of a master's degree program sponsored by the New York Theological Seminary. During my last visit several months ago, I noticed that correctional officials had erected a large yellow sign over the door at the public entrance to the prison. The sign reads: "Through these doors pass some of the finest corrections professionals in the world." I asked Reverend Bill Webber, the director of the prison's educational program, and several prisoners what they thought about the sign. Bill answered bluntly, "demonic." One of the M.A. students, a 35-year-old Latino named Tony, agreed with Bill's assessment, but added, "let us face the demon head on." There are now over two million Americans who are incarcerated. It is time to face the demon head on.

BRC-NEWS: Black Radical Congress <www.blackradicalcongress.org>

_________________________


A Struggle for One Is a Struggle for All Minorities
Friday, September 15, 2006

In the wake of a long history of suffering and discrimination, the passage of Proposition 209 in 1996 essentially eliminated any possibility for progress or reparations for Asian Americans. Opponents of affirmative action ("The Curse of the Model Minority," Sept. 5) have grossly distorted the effects of Proposition 209 on Asian Americans.

At UC Berkeley, the homogeneous term of "Asian Americans" is destructively misleading at first glance. On a campus that proudly touts its "diverse" student body, we should scrutinize the notion of a massive Asian American block.

The Asian American category comprised 41.2 percent of the Fall 2005 admissions, and opponents of affirmative action have misconstrued such numbers to argue that policies like Proposition 209 are supposedly beneficial to Asian Americans.

It is not accurate to place a vague and arbitrary label on an entire continent's worth of diverse ethnic groups. The overgeneralization of Asian Americans being nearly half of the campus population blankets the unique issues and struggles of multiple Asian ethnic groups, leaving them unaddressed and unresolved.

After Proposition 209 was implemented, eliminating race and gender as factors in admissions, the freshmen representation of Latinos at UC Berkeley dropped 49 percent in 1998, while African Americans decreased by 43 percent. The misleading increase of Asian Americans on campus marginalizes the underrepresented subgroups hidden under the pan-Asian category.

However, all Asian Americans walk the same perilous line when it comes to combating issues of equality, justice, and representation. Asian Americans will forever be trapped in the destructive cycle of misrepresentation and alienation if we do not fight in solidarity with other people of color to repeal Proposition 209.

Without solidarity from African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, women and other marginalized communities, Asian Americans cannot wholly achieve justice and equality that is fundamentally essential in a democratic society.

Affirmative action does not allow "unqualified" individuals to be admitted to universities, as that is a federal offense. Additionally, it does not create quotas based on race, rather it would allow for race to be considered as one of many factors in selecting an applicant.

In the decision of the 2003 US Supreme Court case Grutter v. Bollinger, which upheld the consideration of race in university admissions, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote that "effective participation by members of all racial and ethnic groups in the civic life of our nation is essential if the dream of one Nation, indivisible, is to be realized."

Policies that promote equal access to higher education will allow UC Berkeley to better reflect the diversity of California as the California Higher Education Master Plan states. Students benefit from exposure and dialogue with those who offer varying perspectives and backgrounds and, as a result, become prepared to live and work toward change in a world that is anything but homogenous.

With race-conscious policies, the struggle is not just that of Asian Americans, but of every racial and ethnic group. Asian Americans and all oppressed and marginalized people must work together to ensure collective success.

In addition, minority groups cannot be ignored when finding a solution to rectify past wrongs. In order to address the complex issue of race, we need to employ race as part of the solution. If solidarity among people of color is not prioritized, then we forget our past, overlook our struggles and contribute to our own oppression.

Kim Dam is the political awareness coordinator for REACH! Jude Dizon is a member of the Pilipino American Alliance. Reply at opinion@dailycal.org.

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http://cbs5.com/education/local_story_255214434.html

Declining Black Student Population At UC Campuses

Sue Kwon
Reporting

(CBS 5) BERKELEY Classes have started at some University of California campuses, and they are looking a lot different from those of years past. There has been a sharp decline in African American students, and at least one advocacy group is blaming the change on Proposition 209, the constitutional amendment approved by California voters in 1996 which bars discrimination or preferential treatment based on race or ethnicity.

"The numbers are staggering for African Americans. It's just over 3 percent of the group admitted at UC Berkeley, and it's less than that -- 2 percent -- at UCLA and UC San Diego," said Kimberly Thomas Rapp with the Equal Justice Society. "We are talking about elite public institutions here in California, and this is happening at a time when the number of African Americans eligible is increasing, and we've seen an increase in African American applicants to the UC system."

Shawna Samuels was admitted to UC Berkeley with a 4.7 grade point average and long list of activities.

"I did several extracurricular activities like basketball, track and field, and student organizations," she said.

But Samuels got rejected from UCLA. She said African American friends who attended schools that didn't offer advanced placement courses also had high grade point averages but did not get into UCs.

That's why the Equal Justice Society says the admissions process needs to be changed. It needs to take into account that school districts that are in black neighborhoods often don't offer the same resources that would give black students a boost, the group said.

Ward Connerly, the architect of Proposition 209 and the founder of the Civil Rights Institute based out of Sacramento said Samuels is an example of how blacks do not need race-based admissions.

Her ethnicity was not taken into account by the admissions department, and she is proof for Connerly that Proposition 209 is working for everyone, including blacks.

"They need to get off rap music and stop doing things that stop them from being competitive," Connerly said.

Connerly, a former UC regent, spearheaded a vote by UC board of regents to eliminate race-based admissions in 1995. Then, a year later, he pushed forward Proposition 209, which reinforced the ban on affirmative action. The controversial measure ignited protest by civil rights leaders and minority groups.

Ten years later, Connerly says, "By and large, it has been an excellent move by the people of California. There have been very few adverse consequences."

But if you look at the numbers as reported by the Bunche Center Research Report, they reflect a sharp decline in African American students admitted to the most prestigious UC campuses.

At Berkeley, acceptance letters went out to 562 blacks in the last class where ethnicity could be considered. A decade later, only 298 were admitted -- a mere 3 percent of all freshmen accepted.

At Los Angeles, 488 African Americans were admitted in the year before Proposition 209 took effect, diving this fall to below half that number -- 210, which is only 2 percent of the group admitted.

"Of those who are accepted, less than half actually enroll," said Rapp. "They would rather go somewhere they can be amongst a diverse student population and have access to a diversity of views, backgrounds and input. They are going to Ivy League universities and other prestigious colleges."

This fall, only 140 will enroll at UC Berkeley and 96 at UCLA.

UCLA just announced it will take into account a student's activities and personal challenges to help boost back enrollment. UC Berkeley already takes the same approach to applicants and is taking more steps to increase numbers.

UC Berkeley Chancellor Robert Birgeneau is an outspoken critic of Proposition 209.

"This is a tremendous waste of talent," he said.

Birgeneau is now looking for a top level administrator -- a vice chancellor -- to promote diversity that he considers necessary for all students learning how to relate to different cultures.

"If we have a homogenous environment, our students won't acquire that skill, and California won't be competitive in the international stage," Birgeneau said.

Connerly's response to that is Berkeley is already diverse.

"Birgeneau ought to be fired," Connerly said. "He is betraying Prop 209 and betraying the will of the people and short-selling black kids and everyone else by saying we need all this diversity. There is the fact we have a large number of African Americans who are just not academically competitive, and they will have to get themselves prepared.

Connerly says he is now working on getting voters in Michigan to pass a similar anti-affirmative action measure.

(© 2006 CBS Broadcasting Inc. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. The Associated Press contributed to this report.)


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The first article is about Homicide Rates in Berkeley, but what bothers me is that it first states that homicide figures are a result of poverty (which makes sense), but then the writer jumps from a conclusion of poverty to one of race. She points out Data from the U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics shows that in 2004 blacks were seven times more likely to commit homicide than whites. First of all, I think that statistics are never as reliable as you think they are. Secondly, I don't think that's fair to make it a racial issue when I believe the cause is more likely to be because of poverty. Why not instead of asking the question - "why do black commit more crimes?" you ask "why is the rate of poverty for blacks so much higher than whites"? If you are going to make it about race at all. Or perhaps you could ask why blacks are criminalized at a higher rate than whites even though drug use is equal. I just saw a documentary (called "Making the Grade") featuring one teenage boy of color saying "I visited San Quentin (local jail) and it seems that education is the only escape. Education or jail" (paraphrasing). The other articles are about the higher criminalization rates of black students.

In this context, the Prop 209 debate becomes all the more salient. Perhaps it was because I just watched "Making the Grade" but it's quite interesting to read these articles. One was given to my attention because it was co-written by a friend of mine. And the other was forwarded to me. Indeed, I possibly have too many thoughts in my head (and slighty off topic- I'm also kind of sick) to discuss this matter fully. But I wonder, if the University is doing all it can to make admissions fair- then why would black students be declining? I think it is unfair to say that black students are somehow less qualified than other candidates based on negative stereotypes of black teens.

And why is race a factor in one kind of situation (mainly negative), but not a factor in another (more positive). There are more black people in jail (mostly male) than there are in If you seek out blacks for crimes, would it not also be fair to seek them out for education? If you were going to negate race in education- it might also be fair to negate them from "special consideration" for penalization. That would only be "equal".

Thursday, August 10, 2006

white is the new black.

[from the upcoming "I am African" campaign from the Keep A Child Alive organization]

Anyway, I get that she's trying to sympathize with African American plight because "oppressing anything is oppressing everything and so we as more privileged individuals can sympathize with you colored folk and still manage to mess it up in some way" (see Vegetarianism & the PETA incident for more examples). But seriously. I know it's for a good cause, but isn't there a saying that "good intentions pave the road to hell" or something? My 11th grade high school teacher used to say it to us a lot.

1. This is a bio of Gywneth Paltrow (from Wikipedia)

Paltrow was born in Los Angeles, California, to the late Bruce Paltrow, a film director, and Blythe Danner (a well-known character actress); Paltrow's father was Jewish and her mother was raised in the Quaker religion. Raised in Santa Monica, she attended Spence School, a selective private girls' school in New York City, and briefly studied Art History at the University of California, Santa Barbara, before dropping out and committing herself to acting.
So the children of a Hollywood director and actress who attended private school can empathize with an entire continent ravaged by economic hardship and the effects of colonialism/imperialism?

2. The words "I am African" on a white person are apparently abundantly clear- as if "race" were limited to necklaces and face paint instead of one's skin color and where one is situated in a colonial dynamic. So points for the pointing out of race as a social construct with certain markers that make us recognize one as one race or another. A bazillion points minus for reducing race relations to commodities of cultural markings and empathy. Also minus for exotifying race to cultural commodities- as if you could say buy a lei and be Hawaiian or own chopsticks and be "Asian" (whatever that means).

3. Boo to the media for continuing to propogate cultural imperialism by putting a white woman to represent African people. I mean really, let's put the face of a blonde blue eyed American to represent AFRICA. As if people would respond more to her instead of, let's say, an actual picture of an African person struggling. It's for a good cause but I don't know how effect it can be if you're making it an issue again about how white people have to save those "savages" again. Benevolent colonialism anyone?

I don't really know who to blame in this situation. The media for distributing this? The marketing team for this organization that thought it would be good? Everyday people for being desensitized so much to images of a ravaged Africa that you need to put a white woman's face on something to actually stop, notice, AND care?

4. What else irks me about this picture is that it is still in a way racist- or actually it embodies more "colorist" ideology. Sidenote: There's also my photographer's eye thinking that marketing and media continually use black and white pictures to make issues "more serious". Gywneth Paltrow is the "colorless" (also color-blind) individual - the universal. White is the only race that can have the privilege of not thinking about race. The makeup on her face and the letters "I am African" serve as a disconnect between Gywneth's actual race and an African's race. Hence, "I sympathize" sentiment with "don't confuse me for being an actual African" line delineated through this colorization. Sure she still happens to wear the African necklace, but again it actually reinforces the idea that one can own cultural markers like jewlry but not be of that culture.

5. For some reason, it kind of reminds me of this poplicks post about the media and the use of "whiteness".

[To supplement] I feel bad about criticizing this organization as it seems to be a positive non-profit group committed to helping with the AIDS pandemic. I mean it could be a soulless corporate machine that have these ads (see poplicks). Yet I can't help but think of these things when I see the ads..even though I haven't seen the entire campaign. AIDS is not just a racial issue which I feel when I see ads like this. And I suppose that was the message that it affects us all, but I wouldn't be who I am without misgivings.


But really, let's not get too upset with this. I'll end with a happy picture (also courtesy of poplicks). P.S. Its a real ad like the one above.